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Vladimir
Pisarev |
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Ocean
Governance Diplomacy
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The ocean ecosystem contributes at least 21 trillion dollars
annually to the sustainability of the planet biosphere.
The respective contribution of land ecosystems is estimated
at 12.3 trillion dollars. As the use of ocean resources
expand, the need for an effective mechanism to ensure global
responsibility for the state of the ocean is also on the
rise. National governments, international forums a as well
as NGOs and expert groups must intensify search for arrangements
that would assign proportional responsibility for the ocean
to individual states and transnational entities. The ocean
should be treated as a global ecosystem whose regional and
national components are tightly interconnected. The borders
of these components rarely coincide with national borders
or the limits of territorial waters and exclusive economic
zones. Some 80 percent of ocean pollution originates from
coastal areas - habitat of more than half of the world population.
To address this problem, a Global Programme of Action for
the Protection of the Marine Environment from Land-based
Activities was adopted in 1995. The UN Agenda XXI designates
the use of ocean resources as a major direction in the development
of civilization. The UN estimates the annual value of ocean
resources produced globally at 7 trillion dollars. Within
this amount, fossil fuel and other mineral resources only
account for 1 trillion dollars. Multilateral bodies have
called upon states to formulate policies which duly correspond
to the unity of global biosphere, including its land, atmospheric
and ocean components. Equally essential is to set up mechanisms
for a joint management of economic activity in coastal areas
and to ensure that state borders not hinder effective environment
protection policies. Ecological borders should under certain
circumstances be given priority over formal state borders.
Generally, the ability of humankind to increase the global
protection of ocean environment is a litmus test to globalization.
We cannot afford to fail to deliver on a comprehensive system
of ocean governance as a means to combat some of the most
acute challenges of globalization.
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Andrey
Krutskikh |
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Political
Dimensions of Outer Space
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Several new trends in the exploration of space have become
manifest by the late 2000s. First, the space industry -
the world's largest industrial branch - is becoming increasingly
more privatized. In 1996 corporate profits earned on space
programs for the first time surpassed cumulative state spending
on the exploration of space. Second, the deployed private
space infrastructure, such as the Global Positioning System,
is ever more employed for military purposes. Third, the
scale of international cooperation in space research and
technology is expanding against the backdrop of an insufficient
legal base intended to regulate such cooperation. To ensure
beneficial cooperation in the conquest of space there is
a need for a more solid consensus within the UN and other
multilateral bodies charged with developing the law of outer
space. A comprehensive convention on the use of outer space
could turn various common practices and bilaterally adopted
norms into universally binding rules. While the Russian
Federation has invariably promoted the idea of such convention,
the United States remains largely critical seeking to preserve
the freedom of hands in American space programs. Differences
persist regarding the concept of outer space. While the
majority of states, including Russia, propose a 100–120
km boundary between airspace and outer space, Washington
insists that this distinction be rather defined by the type
of the used equipment - either aircraft or spacecraft. The
issue of outer space debris is often resorted to by states
to impose on each other their own standards of space launches
and activity. Security of Borderlands By Sergey Golunov
An underresearched concept, 'border security' has become
highly contested in IR studies. The framers of 'desecuritization'
theory suggest replacing it with 'border management' to
emphasize the day-to-day nature of border regimes and challenges.
Other scholars use the notion of border security to examine
security implications of mass violations of border regimes.
Most recently, the transnational security threats posed
by globalization have attracted much attention to border
security as a practical issue. Traditional protection of
borders from military threats have given way to the mounting
of firewalls to shield states from diffuse organized criminal
activities and undesired information flows.
However, the current technical means of border protection
against contemporary challenges are proving ineffective.
Most notably, they do not help against illegal migrants
on the U.S.-Mexican border or drug traffickers from Afghanistan
spreading across Eurasia. Border regime violators have so
far been able to successfully adapt to the new technologies
used by border protection forces. This leads to increased
militarization of borders, which, in turn, breeds social
discontent. Another area of enhancing border protection
has been the gathering and management of personal data.
The relevant technologies and implications form the focal
point of an emerging subdiscipline of 'surveillance studies'.
The easing of border regimes among developed countries has
revealed the political salience of psychological perceptions
of borders. Borders play an important role in providing
the feeling of being shielded from outside dangers. Conversely,
lax border regimes generate the feeling of insecurity among
citizens.
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Sergey
Golunov |
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Security of Borderlands
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An underresearched concept, 'border security' has become highly contested in IR studies. The framers of 'desecuritization' theory suggest replacing it with 'border management' to emphasize the day-to-day nature of border regimes and challenges. Other scholars use the notion of border security to examine security implications of mass violations of border regimes.
Most recently, the transnational security threats posed by globalization have attracted much attention to border security as a practical issue. Traditional protection of borders from military threats have given way to the mounting of firewalls to shield states from diffuse organized criminal activities and undesired information flows.
However, the current technical means of border protection against contemporary challenges are proving ineffective. Most notably, they do not help against illegal migrants on the U.S.-Mexican border or drug traffickers from Afghanistan spreading across Eurasia. Border regime violators have so far been able to successfully adapt to the new technologies used by border protection forces. This leads to increased militarization of borders, which, in turn, breeds social discontent. Another area of enhancing border protection has been the gathering and management of personal data. The relevant technologies and implications form the focal point of an emerging subdiscipline of 'surveillance studies'.
The easing of border regimes among developed countries has revealed the political salience of psychological perceptions of borders. Borders play an important role in providing the feeling of being shielded from outside dangers. Conversely, lax border regimes generate the feeling of insecurity among citizens.
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Vladimir
Kulagin |
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Global
or World Security?
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Almost a decade into the 21st century, there is still little
agreement among observers on the fundamental parameters
that underlie the system of international security and the
way the system has changed since the end of the previous
era. Much has been said about the growing impact of non-state
actors. Some scholars have even suggested that states more
often find themselves locked in military confrontation with
non-state actors. On top of that, internal armed conflicts
now pose threats and project instability far beyond the
countries in their immediate neighborhood. Nonetheless,
the state strikes back in the form of new tougher domestic
security arrangements that sometimes impinge upon individual
rights and liberties. The international community has realized
that weak and failed states are no less dangerous to international
security than strong and powerful state actors. The agenda
of international security has expanded to involve environment
protection. All forms of pollution, climate change, as well
as natural calamities, inflict no smaller damage on the
international community than inter-state and civil wars.
This is equally true as to epidemics of contagious diseases,
such as HIV/AIDS. Over the past 100 years more people have
died at the hands of their own governments than on battlefields
of inter-state wars. This fact points to the salience of
human security as opposed to state regime security. Relations
between major producers and consumers of hydrocarbon energy
resources are becoming increasingly “securitized”. Disruption
of energy transit or disputes over rights to develop resources
at high sea, including the Arctic, may pose just as serious
threats to national security as military confrontation with
another state. The “globalization” of security has a number
of important caveats. Most importantly, some regions produce
much greater impact on international security than others.
Also, the short-lists of most acute security threats vary
from one country to another. They also evolve with time.
As a marked example, the Russian leadership has demoted
“international terrorism” to the tenth position lately while
emphasizing the “expanding presence of external powers in
the areas of traditional Russian influence”.
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Tatiana
Alekseeva |
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Russia
in the Global Space of Perceptions
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Russia's dominant international image combines controversial
and sometimes contradictory concepts of a “country at the
crossroads”, “resurgent evil empire” and a “normal Western-type
state”. Some of the challenges faced by both Russian officials
and businesses abroad stem directly from “image problems”
and misconceptions. Moscow needs a more proactive image-making
policy which should emphasize the positive features of Russia
as a country and an actor on the world stage. Internally,
Russia needs to overcome the deep distrust of people towards
the state apparatus which is commonly perceived as manipulative
and egoistic. As indicated by the polls, disillusioned Russians
tend to prioritize the image of Russia as a “powerful and
self-sufficient state” over that of a “democratic and wealthy
country. Russia's image in the outside world is seriously
influenced by the centuries-long history of ideological
struggle between Russia (the Soviet Union) and the West.
To make matters worse, the current cohort of “Russia experts”
in Europe and the United States is largely formed by Russian
?migr?s, whose shared psychological profile includes inclination
to criticize Russia aggressively and irrationally. Despite
complaints about “unfair” image, the polls suggest that
Russia is treated abroad better than the United States,
China, Iran, or Israel. Existing mainstream IR theories
have direct implications in terms of Russia's international
image. From both realist and liberalist perspectives, Russia
emerges as a regular example of either a “great power” pursuing
its national interest through all available means or a “non-democratic”
state which is naturally prone to an assertive international
posture. Globalization theories as well as the world-system
approach point out Russia's vulnerability as an insufficiently
competitive state sitting on the periphery of the developed
community. More favorable for Russia are constructivist
theories which emphasize the role of ideas and identities
as important political factors.
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Digest of foreign publications
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Aleksey
Zobnin |
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Political
Consultations in World-Political Studies
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Anna
Zackharchenko |
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Islamic
Societies inside the European Union?
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Maksim
Minaev |
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“Weak
States” in American Analytical Discourse
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Aleksandr Kuchik,
Orest Gogosha (Ukraine) |
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Motivations
of Central and Eastern European States vis-a-vis the Iraq
Crisis
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PERSONA GRATA
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Faces
and Personalities
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Aleksey
Arbatov |
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A
“Lost Decade” in Arms Control
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Two Russians – Three Opinions
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Aleksandr
Chechevishnikov |
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The Case of Kosovo and Prospects for Transcaucasia
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Ivan
Khrustalev |
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To Recognize or not to Recognize?
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OUR NETWORK
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Forum Strengthens the
Academic Community
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Aleksey
Fenenko |
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Debating
Spaces of World Politics
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SCRIPTA MANENT
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Reviews
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Mikhail
Mironyuk |
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The Power Factor in U.S. Policy
Kurt M. Campbell and
Michael E. O’Hanlon. Hard Power: The New Politics of National
Security. New York: Basic Books, 2006. 319 p.
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Aleksey
Zhuravlev |
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Europe as “Anti-America”
Andrei S. Markovits.
Uncouth Nation: Why Europe Dislikes America. Princeton and
Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2007. 275 p.
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Yulia
Nikitina |
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Realism with a Human Face
Anatol Lieven and John Hulsman. Ethical Realism: A
Vision for America’s Role in the World. New York: Pantheon
Books, 2006. 228 p.
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Andrey
Baikov |
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“Irregular” Integration and Outdated Integration
Standards
Mark Beeson. Regionalism and Globalization
in East Asia: Politics, Security, Economic Development. New
York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. 324 p.
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Yulia Zobrik,
Aleksandra Khudaikulova |
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Case Study Methods
John Gerring. Case
study research: principles and practices. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2007.
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Eduard
Batalov |
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Textbook Creating
Àëåêñååâà Ò.À. Ñîâðåìåííûå
ïîëèòè÷åñêèå òåîðèè: Êóðñ ëåêöèé. Ì.: ÐÎÑÑÏÝÍ, 2007. 464 ñ.
Àëåêñååâà Ò.À. Ïîëèòè÷åñêàÿ ôèëîñîôèÿ: Îò êîíöåïöèé ê òåîðèÿì:
Ó÷åáíîå ïîñîáèå. Ì.: ÐÎÑÑÏÝÍ, 2007. 397 ñ.
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IN MEMORIAM
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Ivan G. Tyulin (1947-2007) |
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In brevi |
A POTENTIA AD ACTUM
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New doctorships |
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Contents and Summaries |
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Our authors |